Showing posts with label music. Show all posts
Showing posts with label music. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

The Harvard Crimson :: Magazine :: Building the Public Domain, Part II

The Harvard Crimson :: Magazine :: Building the Public Domain, Part II 

Building the Public Domain, Part II

Published On Saturday, May 09, 2009  7:04 PM

By CHRISTIAN B. FLOW
Crimson Staff Writer

(Part I of this story appeared in the print edition of Fifteen Minutes magazine May 8, 2009.)
does one have the right against the state to record one’s life
–Charles Nesson’s Twitter, March 2, 10:41 AM
Early this year, Massachusetts District Judge Nancy Gertner phoned into a conference call between Harvard Law School professor Charles R. Nesson ’60 and three attorneys from the recording industry. Her intention was to discuss the progress of a case that Nesson had agreed to take on just six months previous—a case centering on Joel Tenenbaum, a 25 year old Boston University physics student being sued by five major record labels for illegally downloading and sharing music online.
Nesson was participating from his office. The Tenenbaum team—a group of law students who have been helping him with the case—were with him. His voice recorder was on.
The audio of the interchange that followed is still available online. “Who am I speaking to?” Gertner asks. Introductions follow from Nesson and the opposing attorneys.
Clearly ready to begin the proceedings, the judge then makes a seemingly off-handed remark: “This is an informal conference. I hope that nobody is recording this, am I right?”
In fact, the question was a telling one. Nesson carries around a digital recorder with him at all times. His blog boasts a taped discussion with a policeman in which the professor offers details on a domestic altercation with his wife, Fern. (There’s also an apology to Fern for “revealing”—that is, posting online—an unrelated conversation between the pair of them, which he taped without her consent.) In short, Nesson has something of a track-record for causing trouble with unauthorized recordings. In the fall of 2001, he drew fire after he posted online a heated e-mail correspondence between two colleagues. When one of the men, Law School professor Alvin C. Warren, came to Nesson’s office to confront him about the incident, Nesson took audio. It found its way online.
Recording had already become an issue in the Tenenbaum case by the time Gertner made her status call. After watching Nesson take audio of his client’s deposition, the recording industry’s lawyers told him in November that they would not consent to being recorded in any of the mandatory meet-and-confer session that occur periodically in cases between counsel from the opposing sides. After protesting that he needed the recordings as a teaching tool, Nesson said he would refuse to participate in any more of the meetings. The Court was not pleased.
“Uh, no you’re not right, your honor,” Nesson replies. “There’s a recorder going in my office, and I have approximately 20 students in my room.”
“Your students can be present, but I don’t want a recording,” says Gertner. “Your students can listen, but it should not be recorded.”
A long pause follows, before Nesson’s reply: “I feel bad about that, I truly do, because in some sense this is all about the [Inter]net being present in the court and being able to litigate a case in a way that it is open.”
Nesson accedes soon after, and the recording ends, but it’s less certain that the incident, and those that preceded it, will be so quickly closed. At the very least, Nesson’s somewhat loose take on procedural rules has raised questions about how well the professor’s academic penchant for idealism has weathered the transition from the classroom to the more rules-based climate of civil litigation, and—more particularly—whether his fascination with openness is coming at the expense of Tenenbaum, his client. “Number one rule of litigation: don’t piss of the judge,” copyright blogger Ben Sheffner told me, reflecting on the incident. “He’s poking his finger in her eye, that does not serve his client well.”
The observation again raises a question that’s not uncommon among those who’ve dealt with Nesson: Is he brash, disrespectful, and out of his mind? Or is he simply five steps ahead of everybody else? For Nesson and his team, the Tenenbaum case has never been solely about file-sharing charges. It’s about defending open access, to the internet and to the judicial process. Making a recording of a meeting with a judge available online speaks to that agenda. And that, Nesson believes, is worth ruffling some feathers.
Tenenbaum, the person who stands to lose thousands of dollars in damages if Nesson’s designs implode, seems to accept it all in stride. Sued in 2007, he fought his case for a year with the help of only his mother, a small-time family lawyer with little knowledge of civil procedure. The experience was, he says, emotionally and physically destructive, filled with rough treatment and strident demands by the corporate lawyers arrayed against him. When a Massachusetts District Judge contacted Nesson to see if he would take on Joel’s case, it was a relief—a promise of protection arriving in a Harvard Law School envelope.
“I’m not anyone special,” Tenenbaum says, reflecting on the case one afternoon, across the table at Espresso Royale, a popular coffee spot on the Boston University campus. Tenenbaum is fairly uninvolved with the workings of the case these days. But in the spirit of the openness that has come to characterize the defense, he feels compelled to be open to media queries. “The whole point is that I’m just one person among 40,000 who’s in the same circumstances,” he says, referencing the other individuals who were sued by record labels during the recording industry’s recently-halted five-year legal campaign against individual file-sharers. “My role in the case is not just a matter of consequences to me.”
It’s hard to escape the impression that Tenenbaum rather likes where he’s at. Short, and solidly built, clad in a black leather jacket, with an arm in a sling from a snowboarding accident, he ticks off for me the media outlets that the Tenenbaum team has reached: pretty much everything but the New York Times, it seems, much to his wry chagrin. At this point, Joel has participated in public panel discussions about his case. He’s had the opportunity to engage in meandering philosophical conversations with one of the nation’s foremost legal minds (“What do you think it means to know something?” he asked Nesson during a break in the action at one of the legal proceedings), he’s appeared in professional photo shoots with the team of Harvard Law hot-shots undertaking his defense—always in the center. At one photo shoot, the team blared five of the songs Joel is accused of illegally downloading—Outkast’s “Wheels of Steel,” Nirvana’s “Come as You Are,” Incubus’ “Pardon Me,” and “Newskin,” Greenday’s “Minority.” Sitting in the café, he looks for a larger significance in the song-titles: “Greenday ‘Minority’ that’s the ultimate irony, right? About being un-conventional and against-the-grain?”
All of it is a far cry, in terms of glamour, from fighting a case with only his mother beside him. Nesson’s oddities are no secret to Tenenbaum, but he doesn’t appear to be worried. “I called him up and said, ‘What’s all this, you’re not following procedures and is that something I should be worried about or is this them just making a big stink?’” Tenenbaum recalls. “He says, ‘Don’t worry about it, this is par for the course.’ When it comes down to it, I know that he has a very firm grasp of the big picture and how to execute that.”
And yet copyright blogger Sheffner’s warning about angering judges has appeared at times to be on the mark. In one March ruling, on a motion filed by the Tenenbaum team that was found lacking on several procedural points amidst, the Judge had a strong message for Nesson. “Nothing entitles the Defendant to engraft his own conditions on the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure or the Local Rules of this Court, or to dispense with them where they fail to suit his counsel’s teaching style,” Gertner wrote. “….While the Court understands that counsel for the Defendant is a law professor, and that he believes this case serves an important educational function, counsel must also understand that he represents a client in this litigation—a client whose case may well be undermined by the filing of frivolous motions and the failure to comply with the Rules.”
is it crazy to advance this argument to an american jury in a kid’s defense against being crushed by the copyright giant for seven clicks?
–Charles Nesson’s Twitter Apr. 4 4:57 AM
The support team that handles much of the day-to-day business of the Tenenbaum case meets weekly in Nesson’s fifth-floor office in Griswold Hall, nestled just behind the Law School’s formidable Langdell library. There’s five of them officially, drawing spring course credit for the 10 to 15 hours a week they are expected to devote to the “RIAA clinical.” But the retinue that composes team Tenenbaum is a bit bigger than that, extending to include the undergraduate Meister, a couple of interested first-years not yet eligible for clinical credit, and even, ostensibly, Nesson’s wife Fern.
At least a few of Nesson’s students have been central to his involvement with Tenenbaum since the beginning, this fall, when he brought Joel to a meeting of his “CyberOne: Law in the Court of Public Opinion” class to discuss whether he should take on the case. When he did decide to represent Tenenbaum, some of the casework became part of the CyberOne curriculum. There have been additions to the team since then, part of the regular turnover from term to term, and much attrition (two of the students most heavily involved in the case at the outset refused comment for this article.) But the most critically involved team members are veterans of CyberOne. Early in the spring, while the new sign-ons to the clinical are still getting the lay of the land, they stick out quite clearly.
There’s Matt Sanchez, the document writer—a broad-shouldered, head-shaved, third-year from Florida who attended journalism school as an undergraduate, still occasionally free-lances for the guitar periodical “Bass Player,” and has taken the lead on many of the legal aspects of the Tenenbaum case. Debbie Rosenbaum, a joint degree candidate at the Business School and the Law School, handles the public relations for the team—a job that she is said to have won after challenging the expertise of a professional PR consultant that Nesson invited to CyberOne in the fall. Isaac Meister ’09-’10, still a junior at Harvard College, has served as Nesson’s personal assistant since last February, after being plucked from a technology support role at the Berkman Center. As the team’s administrative guru, Meister has made it his business to memorize the dates, document classifications and multi-digit docket numbers associated with the case. For logistical questions, detail questions, questions about the nitty-gritty, day-to-day progression of the case since September, Isaac, who has been at Nesson’s side while others were on break and exams, is the man.
While he celebrates participation and even dissension, Nesson is the guiding force at clinical meetings, seated at his large, elbowed desk, arms often clasped behind his head. The team’s legal argument has never lacked for novelty. When he initially took the Tenenbaum case, Nesson made it clear that he would launch a constitutional attack on the so-called “Digital Theft Deterrence Act,” which mandates damages of up to $150,000 for willful copyright infractions. Such a scale for damages was disproportionate to any harm committed, the team suggested, putting it in violation of the constitutional provision against “cruel and unusual” punishment and potentially “slamming the courthouse door” on those too cowed by the financial burden to consider risking further expenses by fighting the case. Of further concern was the possibility that the recording industry was attempting to use its lawsuits to send a message to potential file downloaders and not just to redress its damages, giving its lawsuits an extra objective not allowed by the rules of civil procedure. The strategy—a challenge to the very constitutionality of the laws behind the recording industry’s case rather than a plea of innocence or a simple settlement out of court—was a fresh one.
More innovation followed soon after, when Nesson decided that, in the interests of open access, the proceedings of the Tenenbaum case should be available online. “[In] the original constitution, the idea of a public trial was that anybody from the village could come and see the trial,” Nesson tells me. “So now, all of a sudden, we find ourselves in an internet world where the technology permits everyone in the village to come to the trial again...Law needs to be aware of that.” In late December, he filed to allow Internet coverage of a courtroom hearing in the Tenenbaum case.
The Massachusetts District Judge was receptive to his argument, granting the request in a move that would have allowed the state’s first-ever live Internet coverage of a federal court hearing. But the recording industry appealed to a higher court two days later, putting a hold on the broadcast and winning no friends on the Tenenbaum side, which saw what came to be known as the “First Circuit Appeal” as yet another move by powerful interests to restrict access to information online. “At a very basic level, this is about the privatization of the Internet,” one of Nesson’s students tells me while working on the appeal. “It’s about the use of the legal process to close down the internet and you don’t want to get all fluffy and ‘ra ra democracy,’ but the fact of the matter is that every time a private interest wins a case that does more to privatize, we’re this much closer to being fucked as a society.”
By mid-April, the First Circuit Appeal is over—a loss for the Tenenbaum team—and there’s an even greater sense of urgency in the air. The case would have to proceed, it appeared, without the “village” full of Web viewers. Nesson, who had made what one judge called a “powerful, eloquent” argument in support of the Web cast just a few weeks earlier, had predicted the opposite outcome, making the result all the more jarring. “The troops are disheartened,” Meister tells me before one of the team’s Thursday meetings.
But far from backing down, Nesson was already incubating a new assault on convention. The First Circuit decision against Web-casting came on April 16. Just a couple of weeks earlier, the professor had made waves in the legal community when he posted an e-mail chain to his blog suggesting an idea for a new, radical defense. Perhaps individuals like Tenenbaum, downloading music for free on-line several years ago when there weren’t any suitable for-pay options such as iTunes, weren’t committing a copyright infraction. Perhaps, Nesson now surmised, such activity wasn’t illegal at all, falling under the umbrella of what is known to the legal community as “fair use.”
When I visited the Tenenbaum team in late April, the notion wasn’t going over well. In private e-mails later posted to Nesson’s blog, some of the nation’s top copyleft academics—the very people who Nesson had intended to recruit as expert witnesses for his side—had decried the idea. Fair use is typically assessed based on a four-factor test that includes such questions as how much of a particular published material is being copied and what effect the copying might have on the material’s value. Teachers re-producing a few paragraphs of a book for use in the classroom qualifies as “fair use.” Participation in a peer-to-peer file-sharing network, where songs are made available for download by thousands of people, traditionally does not. And, according to Nesson’s colleagues, it was nearly unthinkable that such a precedent would be changed. “I’m worried by your statement that “our case is fair use,” wrote Harvard Law professor Terry Fisher, who had been slated as a witness for the Tenenbaum side. “I fear that what I have to say will not contribute to that assertion. Moreover, I will be subject to cross-examination, in which I will have to say the opposite.”
But Nesson forged ahead, more boldly still. A week after the First Circuit ruled “no” on the Webcast, there’s talk of an appeal to the Supreme Court on the issue. At the April team meeting I attend, Nesson proposes suing the judges on the panel, counting them as complicit in an abuse of legal process for their erroneous ruling. The office, filled with chairs and laptops, erupts. Four letter words fly. The volume rises. Ray Bilderbeck, the clinical’s notorious dissenter, puts his head back and laughs flat out. “They’re going to say ‘fuck you no were not going to re-hear,’” Meister says. “’Fuck you, fuck you. It’s not going to go well for you, fuck you.’”
The notion of the fair use defense, when raised, also meets resistance.
“I don’t even know what you mean when you say ‘fairness,’” Bilderbeck insists, seated in a chair opposite Nesson’s desk and bristling at his professor’s apparent disregard for the four factors of the fair use canon. “I don’t know what ‘fair’ is…It seems like you want me to read your mind, and it’s not happening.”
“I want you to read the jury’s mind,” Nesson replies.
judges say what the law is, but the law is not what the judges say it is. the law is above them, as it is above me. i answer to it, as they
–Charles Nesson’s Twitter, April 24 12:57 PM
In September 2007, two men lit up a marijuana cigarette behind a booth in Boston Commons. The activity was hardly unique to the occasion: the 18th annual Boston Freedom Rally was, like its 17 predecessors, a joint concert-and-protest event aimed at boosting the campaign to legalize marijuana. Nor was the action entirely spontaneous: the two men were Keith Stroup and Richard Cusick, they were, respectively, the founder of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) and the publisher of High Times Magazine, and they intended to make a statement. Taken into custody by an officer at the rally, the two men were respectful and well-behaved—quiet for the time being. The real statement would come some months later, in May, when they strode into Boston’s Edward W. Brooke courthouse with a team of lawyers ready to fight the charges. Among them was Charles Nesson.
In Stroup’s retelling of the events that followed, posted online to the NORML Web site, the officer who had arrested the pair failed to show up for the proceedings, prompting the judge to move to dismiss the case entirely. Nesson would have none of it. “Your honor my client[s]…have spent their entire lives fighting these laws, and they have a right to have these charges heard by a jury of their peers, and they very much wish to exercise this right,” said Nesson, according to Stroup’s account. And with that, Stroup notes, “the pending dismissal was avoided, based on the objection of the defendants, not the prosecution. That must be somewhat unique in the annals of Massachusetts judicial history.”
The tactic was about more than just making a scene. What Stroup and Cusick had been doing behind the NORML/High Times booth was illegal: this was hardly in doubt. But by demanding a trial, Nesson and his clients were hoping to make a start on changing that—tapping the power of a little-used legal prerogative known as “jury nullification.” In old English common law, if a jury felt that a particular law was destructive to liberty, it could refuse to render a guilty verdict on the basis of that law—the effect being to side-step the question of whether a particular action is illegal by indicting the law itself. Nullification is a rare occurrence in the American judicial system, and in fact jurors are not allowed to be told that they have the capacity to nullify, precisely because it is such a powerful tool. A refusal of a legal mandate, even by a local jury, is a bold step towards overturning it. In the case of the marijuana laws, that is precisely what Nesson desired.
The primary memorandum submitted in support of the marijuana case, complete with a high-minded quotation from Thomas Jefferson, reads as a glowing testament to the power of the jury. It is the “ultimate check,” a protector of “liberty,” a “bulwark” against slavish adherence to the letter of the law. It is, in short, precisely what is needed for the success of someone like Nesson, a man who advocates for causes that hinge on breaking the laws as they currently stand. A belief in the power of the jury is what makes it worthwhile for Nesson to remind his students, in the midst of the skepticism over fair use, that it’s the jury’s mind they need to read—not the judges, not his colleagues’, not his own. It’s also one of the motivating forces behind the public relations machine that the Tenenbaum team has built: the students maintain a Twitter feed, a blog, and a Web site, make YouTube videos and press releases, and stage events (Joel’s mother recently gave a harp recital in Harvard Square.) Win the collective will of the people, the idea seems to be, and one day, with enough persuasion, a people’s jury will condone breaking the rules. “We want to get to the jury on that issue,” Nesson tells his students when they hesitate on fair use. “Because once you get to the jury all sorts of things can happen.”
Of course, not all jury outcomes are necessarily favorable. If the Tenenbaum case goes to trial, it will be the second of its kind. The only other case from the recording industry’s five-year litigation campaign to reach a jury was that of a Minnesota woman named Jammie Thomas, who was sentenced in 2007 to pay $220,000 to the record companies for her file-sharing activities. A juror went on record after that trial calling Thomas a “liar.” (Thankfully for Thomas, a judge later threw out the trial verdict, invalidating the proceedings.) Things went something better for Cusick and Stroup, the marijuana crusaders, who were convicted by a jury in less than 30 minutes, but sentenced only to a single day in prison, which they had already served on the date of their arrest.
recursion building the public domain being the public domain having fun enjoying life turning seventy eating chicken soup doesnt hurt
- Charles Nesson’s Twitter, Feb 3, 7:46 AM
Even at 70, Charles Nesson—“Charlie” his students call him, could hardly be called old. Aside from a head of white hair, combed back off a high forehead, Nesson shows few signs of his age. He has his scooter that he drives to work, his iPod, his online virtual-reality avatar “Eon.” He plays online Poker and listens to Radiohead. He talks about Bob Marley. The professor’s words come slowly, but they are razor sharp, and they have the weight of consideration on them. “Something you need to remember about Charlie is that he says everything, no matter what it is, as if it’s the most interesting things you’re going to hear all day,” Meister says. “He takes everything very seriously even if it seems like he isn’t.”
And it’s true. In an interview early this year in his office, Nesson moves quickly, from his childhood, to his relationship with the Internet and computers (in the 1980s, fiddling around with an early personal computer, he fashioned a virtual poker program that he was later able to sell for enough money to buy himself a summer home.) For nearly 45 minutes, he discusses Jamaica—a country that he became fascinated with after visiting for the first time in the 1990s. They’re answers he’s given several times, but there’s a freshness to them, a certain off-the-cuff kind of contemplation. He raises his voice when he makes certain points.
Eventually, he makes his way to cyber law. There’s two branches, he says. “One half is all the law that’s generated by all the courts that deal with all the lawyers that have run into the courts to try and stop the future,” he says. But for Nesson, the future is something to be invited. "There’s another side, completely different and forward-looking, which is not how do you stop [the future], but how do you reshape it in order to thrive….That’s clearly where I’m at and its clearly a form of legal practice and legal academic thought that is different from the traditional just-go-to lawyers-file-the-papers-kind-of-thing, and I’m sure will be tut-tutted by some people but I think its force is undeniable and its necessity is clear.”
As long as there’s that necessity, his students say, Nesson will go forward. With a potential Supreme Court appeal on the table, a trial still in the offing, and—perhaps most importantly—an open Internet, a public domain to defend, the future will not wait.
“If Charlie agreed to be in it on this guy’s behalf, he’s going to be in it to the end,” Meister says. “And he’s never shied away from taking it whatever direction it needed to be taken in.”
–Staff writer Christian B. Flow can be reached at cflow@fas.harvard.edu.

The Harvard Crimson :: Magazine :: Building the Public Domain, Part II

The Harvard Crimson :: Magazine :: Building the Public Domain, Part I

 The Harvard Crimson :: Magazine :: Building the Public Domain, Part I

Building the Public Domain, Part I
Charles R. Nesson ’60, the self-styled “Dean of Cyberspace,” makes news and stirs controversy with his unconventional tactics in the fight against the RIAA

Published On Saturday, May 09, 2009  6:16 PM

By CHRISTIAN B. FLOW
Crimson Staff Writer

Part II can be found here.
: make a CD : make a mix : love the rebel in the music : believe in the miracle - BAM - A fuckin’ bullet rips off part of your head :
–Charles Nesson’s Twitter, Feb 13th, 5:04 AM
The deposition of Joel Tenenbaum, alleged file-downloader, alleged file-sharer, took place at 9:15 on a Wednesday morning late last September, in the skyscraper-bound Boston law offices of the commercial law firm Robinson and Cole. Just steps away, in a small Starbucks coffee shop situated right off the windswept brick pavement of Government Center square, the notoriously quirky Harvard Law professor Charles R. Nesson ’60, still in his first week representing Tenenbaum, prepped his young client in the moments before the encounter.
The small strategy session was well-warranted. In the array of “discovery” tools available to civil litigators for building a case pre-trial, deposition is one of the most powerful—an opportunity for one side’s lawyers to conduct a virtual interrogation of potential witnesses, often at their own law offices, with a court reporter present to transcribe. Put under oath and given very few grounds for objection, the deposed party has no recourse for evasion. Add to this the fact that depositions often last for hours and even days, and you get a process that is fatiguing at best, and overwhelmingly invasive at worst. But neither Tenenbaum nor his newly retained lawyer had any intention of trying to make the proceedings move quickly. “The judges are the kings, the lawyers are the wizards, and you’re the warrior,” Tenenbaum recalls Nesson saying that morning. “You have an ox that they’re trying to get, and you’re trying to keep them from getting your ox.”
Tenenbaum took the advice seriously. With Nesson’s approval, the 25-year-old Boston University physics student showed up for the deposition clad in a Red Sox t-shirt—a dig at his assailants, Denver-based lawyers, whose hometown team, Major League Baseball’s Colorado Rockies, had been swept by the Sox in the 2007 World Series. A pair of sunglasses—a warrior’s armor—hid his eyes during the proceedings.
Tenenbaum is not shy about using military metaphors when describing his legal struggles. Nesson is a “shield,” litigation tactics are “guns,” opponents’ complaints are “arrows.” And in fact the scene that played out around him during the deposition was, for all intents and purposes, an ideological war. For the duration of one September day, Suite 2500 in the One Boston Place skyscraper housed a struggle between two narratives about the American legal system’s adaptation to a world transformed by the powerful technologies of the last decade. On one side was the free-thinking professor, the king of the copyright-left, the self-avowed champion of openness and liberation, of an unfettered Internet and all its trappings. On the other were the corporate professionals from the Recording Industry Association of America—the Institution, the upholders of regulation and federal conservatism. Nesson, armed with a digital voice recorder and a camera, had no intention of letting his story go overlooked “[I] am sitting twitt[er]ing at the legal deposition of a digital native who is having his digital universe bared to exploration by the RIAA,” he blogged.
Conducting the questioning for the plaintiffs was Eve Goldstein Burton, a young University of Virginia J.D., pregnant at the time of questioning (“lady tiger pregnant with twins examining joel” reads one of Nesson’s digital updates from the deposition.) The 270-page transcript from that day, documenting what turned into a nine-hour marathon, is peppered with oddities: Nesson offering his encouragement (“Be proud”) while Tenenbaum fields a question about whether he downloaded pornography; Tenenbaum, in a fit of philosophical whimsy, informing the plaintiffs that he was sure of something only “to the extent that anyone can know anything about what they did while they were conscious”; Burton, requesting that Joel pick files he did not download from a 40-page printout of his share folder and receiving a listing of several off-color adult-film selections in response. Lawyerly disdain, often smothered by the formalism and conventions of the profession, went barely veiled.
“It would help if your client just answered questions directly instead of saying ‘it’s a 3-by-5 white device that plays video’ instead of just saying ‘it’s an iPod,’” Matthew Oppenheim, a counsel for the recording industry, informed Nesson during a break in questioning well over an hour into the deposition. “Those sorts of games really draw these things out.”
“Yeah, that’s what does it alright,” Nesson replied, coolly, keeping his voice recorder on.
from my side the path is straight: the copyright giant does not care whether bits are books or music: its goal is control: close the net
–Charles Nesson’s Twitter, April 4, 4:38 AM
The online copyright debate, at its most fundamental level, breaks down to a disagreement between the “copyleft’ (those in favor of free distribution and download of digital material on the Internet) and the copy-conservatives (those who claim that such practices are disastrous for artists, industry, and by extension the economy as a whole.) For a generation full of Joel Tenenbaums, weaned on technology and proficient on the net, there’s more riding on this debate than ever before. “Back in the 80s if you made a mix cassette tape for your friends, that was probably illegal, but the record companies were never going to sue you in a million years because it was low level, it was totally under the radar, and they just sort of considered it a cost of doing business,” says Benjamin S. Sheffner ’93, the copy-conservative lawyer behind the popular copyright blog “Copyrights and Campaigns.” “The Internet completely changed the game—all of a sudden the teenager who used to be making a mix-tape for his friend can make millions of perfect copies and send them all over the world.”
If there is a voice asking to be heard on the copy-conservative side right now, it’s that of Sheffner, who has worked on copyright issues with broadcast giants NBC and Fox, and recently served as a special counsel to the 2008 campaign of Republican presidential candidate John McCain. With a little time on his hands following the November election, Sheffner, who had some journalism experience on Capitol Hill prior to law school, turned to blogging about copyright issues—a sector where, he said, there was a need for a more conservative viewpoint. “When you go on the Internet and you want to read about copyright issues, ninety-nine percent of what you read is ‘the RIAA is evil,’ ‘the record companies are evil,’ ‘copyright law has take over, and it’s unreasonable,’” he said. “And I’ve felt for a long time…that copyright owners are too reluctant to engage in the debate especially where the debate—and I use the word ‘debate’ in quotes—takes place, which is largely on the Internet these days.”
The complicating issue, Sheffner said, is one of professional liability. “If you work at a big law firm and you start debating people in the comments section in the corner of some blog, whether you like it or not, people are going to attribute your views to your company or your law firm or your client,” he said. “So people who believe strongly in copyright and make a living doing so might be most knowledgeable, but they’re less able to speak publicly.
By contrast, Nesson, the self-styled “Dean of Cyberspace,” with his own blog and Twitter updates, appears in multiple YouTube videos, plays Internet poker regularly, and has taught classes online using the virtual reality site SecondLife, makes no secret of his online footprint or his copyleft orientation. It was this mischievous-looking 70-year-old law professor who served a decade ago as the motive force behind the founding of Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society—an organization that grapples with the developing legal issues surrounding the use of the Internet and has been dubbed “a den of copyleft activists” by copy-conservatives.
Two years ago, when the RIAA asked Harvard to join other universities in a cooperative effort to track down file-sharers using on-campus networks, Nesson received attention for co-signing a letter with a Berkman colleague decrying the perceived attempt at encroachment on internet usage and publicly telling the RIAA to “take a hike.” Even earlier, in the fall of 2003, when the RIAA announced that they would start suing hundreds of individual file-sharers for their activities, Nesson began thinking about representing a Harvard student, but was unable to find one affected by the industry’s campaigns. In this sense, Joel Tenenbaum, a student, sued by five major record labels for downloading seven songs and sharing several others while he was still in high school, was a windfall. Here was a chance to take action against an industry that, to Nesson’s mind, is advocating the repression of a fundamental freedom to access and trade information on an open Internet, and doing it in a bullish way. The professor had never seemed so excited as he did in the hours after the Tenenbaum deposition, says Isaac Meister ’09-’10, a thin, bespectacled undergraduate who serves on the team of students who are working with Nesson on the case. “You can tell how interested he is by the narrative he builds up around it in his head…It starts out with a big story,” Meister says. “And for him this had the quality of being a very big story.”
To hear Nesson tell it, the story isn’t in the little rules, the details: the seven songs downloaded, the hundreds shared, or the money and damages demanded by the recording companies. It’s one of resistance in the face of repression by constricting federal authorities. It’s about the Internet as a vast frontier, a sea of knowledge and openness whose limitless utility runs the risk of being hamstrung by interference and regulation. Most fundamentally, it’s about freedom—springing the interests of the individual from authoritarian influence, allowing the enjoyment of benefits without arbitrary hindrance, forcing the conservative interests to let go. “The way it feels to me is that our society at this point is way too tight,” Nesson says. “We’re just clutched up in a number of ways…We’re not willing to be real. And the reason we’re not real is that somehow we’re afraid that some people will disapprove of us for being real.”
The corresponding struggle—as much ideological as it is practical—is not a new one for Nesson, and the Joel Tenenbaum case is hardly the only front on which he believes it needs to be fought. Nesson (who famously told Harvard Law’s student newspaper in 2002 that he had experimented with LSD and cocaine and still often smoked joints on his morning walks) has been working for years on causes—the legalization of marijuana among them—that he sees as important roadmarkers on the path to reliable personal freedoms. In his eyes, there’s a common thread between the illegality of many of his pet causes: on-line poker, recording one’s conversations, blogging personal e-mails, downloading and file-sharing, and marijuana. “There is a very close relationship with the exercise of authority to force kids not to click on the net, and the exercise of the authority to keep them from smoking marijuana,” Nesson tells me in his office, drawing a couple of the threads together. “They both are articulations of an authoritarian state in which the law is being used by the people who’ve figured out how to use influence within the state against the interests of an unrepresented public. There’s nobody to defend the public domain.”
But Nesson’s ideology is a formulation, copy-conservatives suggest, engineered to crowd out their side of the story. “They want to create this narrative—it’s a classic David and Goliath narrative, this one kid fighting against these gigantic corporations and being crushed,” says Sheffner. “But the reality is it’s a lot more complicated.” In September, 2003, the RIAA announced that it would begin the first wave of what eventually became an (occasionally unsightly) onslaught of some 35,000 lawsuits against users caught illegally sharing files—a number that included, the Wall Street Journal later reported, “several single mothers, a dead person and a 13-year-old girl.” But the movement was not conceived in a vacuum, coming amidst a hail of lost profits—14 percent in the space of four years—that the industry said coincided with an uptick in the purchase of blank CDs and the use of peer-to-peer sharing networks.
It’s losses like these that drive proponents of the recording industry to paint Nesson as a head-in-the-clouds academic, advocating for a pet cause while showing little respect for the victims—artists and workers alike—of the economic havoc it might create. “Mr. Tenenbaum’s counsel may be using this case to further a crusade to gut the copyright laws that protect creators,” RIAA spokesperson Cara Duckworth wrote to me in a recent e-mail. “[But] for a music community severely harmed by illegal music-downloading, including thousands of working class folks out of jobs, this is no academic exercise.”
the world attempting to make sense of my actions finds the difficulty too great and so conjectures that i am erratic and crazy
–Charles Nesson’s Twitter, April 4, 4:32 AM
Even in the academic community, where copy-conservative litigators seem convinced he belongs, Nesson’s image doesn’t stand still. It is, rather, a continuous tug-of-war between sheer brilliance and a series of lesser qualities—childish compulsion, utter laxity, idealistic extremism—that shimmer on and off, sometimes apparently part and parcel with the brilliance, sometimes apparently harmful to it. Nesson is either the most intelligent man in the room, or he is the most insane, it often seems. Sometimes he is probably both.
The hairpin shifts, from lout to genius, are not a recent development. Arriving in Cambridge in the late 1950s from Phillips Exeter Academy, the elite New England boarding school that was, all-male at the time, the young mathematics student was drawn far more to Boston’s many social attractions than to academic pursuits. “I figured that there were some 25 women’s schools within radius of Cambridge,” he says, “and I was thrilled to be here.” Some of the thrill wore off when Nesson applied for early admittance to Harvard Law prior to his senior year at the College. He was rejected—a disappointment punctuated when he went to confront longtime Dean of Admissions Louis Toepfer over the result.
“I said, ‘How come I didn’t get in?’” Nesson recalls. “He said, ‘Well, you’ve got good board scores but lousy grades­­. That means you’re smart but, you’re lazy. We don’t want you. Go to Yale.’” Instead, Nesson improved his grades, and he was admitted the following year.
His presence at the Law School didn’t long go unnoticed. Nesson rose quickly to the top of his class and stayed there, graduating with the prestigious Fay Diploma, awarded each year to the third-year law student with the highest cumulative grade point average. In the notorious pressure cooker that is Harvard Law, word traveled quickly about his academic achievements, but Nesson hardly seemed to be straining. “He seemed to be a very nice guy, very amiable, not the catatonic types that you often find at Harvard law school,” recalls classmate Thomas J. Malmud, now a practicing lawyer in New York, who had a passing acquaintance with Nesson while the two were in school. “He seemed very relaxed, which also distinguished him from most of us.”
Even today, Nesson rarely dresses up much for work, and ties don’t appear to be a consistent part of his repertoire. Black turtlenecks, black Berkman Center fleeces, black bubble vests—all fairly casual—tend to dominate his on-campus wardrobe. At his first meeting with his new lawyer, Joel recalls, he found Nesson sitting in his office clad in a T-shirt that read “Gay?...Fine By Me”—part of a Law School campaign to encourage openness.
It’s a casual attitude that is on full display in the classroom, where he has been known to keep his e-mail open on the projector screen during class and ask students to grade their own classmates’ papers. At a recent meeting of one of his spring “American Jury” classes, Nesson sat in the audience watching as a group of his students showed a clip from the popular reality show “Survivor” and then conducted a mock trial based on the show’s “tribal council” rules while candy-incentives circulated for those participating. The marijuana laws seemed to be something of a running joke with the students—two mentioned them over the course of the unrelated simulation, perhaps playing to Nesson, who looked up from his computer screen each time and raised his hands in mock horror, crying “No, no, say it isn’t so.”
Exams, traditionally the primary pressure point of a Law student’s term, are more of the same. Nesson’s final for his winter-term “Evidence” class consisted of two digital audio files, and a single question: “Of what is this evidence?” The first of the two recordings is particularly bizarre—an eery mash-up; distorted snatches of speech echoing over hollow instrumentals below. Of what is this evidence? Nesson posts the answers to his blog. Many are highly cryptic, even incomprehensible. Some include mash-ups of their own. Some are poems: “Of What is This Evidence?/Ought we, living underground, dare/To ask such questions of the Universe?/To search for the space that lies between?” It’s a style of speech, of stream-of-thought association—they might have called it “rapping” a few decades ago—to which Nesson himself is no stranger. Take this bit, posted to his blog after Olympic champion Michael Phelps was caught smoking marijuana at a party in South Carolina: “how humbling/they make our champion apologize/to whom/for what/apologize for doing something you want to do/that you know isn’t wrong/so that your corporate endorsers won’t be upset.” Such a free-wheeling attitude doesn’t always go over well with students: “Is there a method to the madness?”one student reporter asks in a 2002 “Law Record” column. “Plenty of Nesson’s past and present students insistently say no. Nesson, they say, is ‘selfish’ or ‘lazy’ or ‘whacked,’ just ‘an old man bored with his job.’”
On the legal side, similar reactions have followed several of Nesson’s antics—a stable that includes posting internal legal documents and e-mails online for comment and revision, continually seeking to record his interactions with opposing counsel, and seeking to publicly depose the opposing side’s lawyer (a rarity in its own right) in the Ames Courtroom on the Harvard Law campus, so that an audience could attend. It’s not easy, perhaps, for the uninitiated to sort out the strangeness of these measures, but in the legal world, a profession where day-to-day business is typically conducted out of the spotlight, in closed meetings held high in lobbied skyscrapers; where procedural minutiae are the one and only way, and the will of the judge is to be revered and respected, such activities are seen as highly iconoclastic, and even destructive. On the blogosphere, the quirky moves are dynamic fodder, taking on their own classification—“Nessonalia” or “Nessianic influences,” they have been called. Even to the students who work for and admire him, some of Nesson’s schemes have seemed extremely strange. “There are not any of us that don’t ever feel uncomfortable,” says Matthew C. Sanchez, a third-year student who drafts most of the legal documents for the Tenenbaum team. “There’s always some uneasiness about treading new ground, because you think, ‘I might be doing something wrong.’ Lawyers as a tradition are very rule-bound.”
Sheffner, the copy-conservative blogger, puts it differently: “Everything in this case has been abnormal and weird.” It’s a fact that may have cost the Tenenbaum team on more than one occasion. It also may be the team’s best chance of succes. With several hurdles left to clear before a trial date can be set, those following the case will have to wait and see.
—Staff writer Christian B. Flow can be reached at cflow@fas.harvard.edu.

The Harvard Crimson :: Magazine :: Building the Public Domain, Part I

Monday, May 4, 2009

Nikki Finke’s Deadline Hollywood Daily » An Attempt To Stop The Disney Machine

 Nikki Finke’s Deadline Hollywood Daily » An Attempt To Stop The Disney Machine

An Attempt To Stop The Disney Machine

I'm told that the Walt Disney Co is currently attempting to trademark the character name "Princess Aurora" for all media: stage, sound, film, TV, video, Internet, photographs, news. In short, everything except literature. The name comes from the 1697 Charles Perrault fairy tale and Aurora is the Princess's daughter (and thus a princess herself). The first use of "Princess Aurora" was in the 1890 Tchaikovsky ballet "The Sleeping Beauty," which Disney turned into the 1959 animated film. It has been used continuously since then in the ballet as the title character's name. The problem is that, if the Disney Company is successful, it will effectively control the legal right to all future performances of the ballet. The move also could sink any movie about the ballet or that uses a scene of the ballet in another movie. "This would be like a film studio trademarking the character name "Ebenezer Scrooge" for all media (no one has) and then no one could perform "A Christmas Carol" on a stage, TV, in a film, radio, etc without first securing the right to use the name from the trademark owner," a critic emails me. Not surprisingly, Disney is also seeking to trademark "Princess Aurora" for products. Therefore, a campaign has emerged to complain to the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office if people feel this trademarking of a pre-existing character name should not be allowed.

Nikki Finke’s Deadline Hollywood Daily » An Attempt To Stop The Disney Machine

Friday, May 1, 2009

Behind the music: When politicians use music to get their message across | Music | guardian.co.uk

 Behind the music: When politicians use music to get their message across | Music | guardian.co.uk

"Too much fun not to include,.....HSM"

Behind the music: When politicians use music to get their message across

Musicians tend to be left-leaning by nature, so when rightwing parties appropriate their work in campaigns without permission they head straight for the courts

Different tune ... Vera Lynn, Massive Attack's 3D and Don Henley from the Eagles. Photograph: Graeme Robertson/PA/Guardian

Last year, Behind the Music posed the question: why are British musicians so afraid of politics? The lack of political engagement by many artists could be down to apathy, but if you want to see a musician's true political colours, watch what happens when their music is used in political campaigns without their permission.

The success of the Eagles in the 70s is widely seen as the moment when California's Laurel Canyon scene went from political engagement to coke-fuelled excess. But when Republican politician Charles DeVore recently used the Eagles' Don Henley's Boys of Summer and All She Wants to Do Is Dance in campaign ads on YouTube, he was faced with a lawsuit. Henley, it turns out, is a committed Democrat and took serious offence when DeVore changed the lyrics to All She Wants To Do Is Tax.

DeVore says he will file a counterclaim citing first amendment protection for free speech. What he may not know is that Henley can use a clause in the copyright protection law regarding moral rights, which gives the artist the right to ban the use of their music if it seriously damages their reputation.

When John McCain was sued by Jackson Browne for using his song Running On Empty during his presidential campaign, the defendants also claimed they had the right to use it under the first amendment and fair use rule. However, lawyers regard the fair use argument in this case to be ridiculous. The two main reasons for fair use (when you can use copyrighted work without permission) are "non-commercial research and study" and "news reporting and criticism". I'm curious to hear how they're going to apply free speech to this issue in court.

In the UK, the BNP is using music as a way of getting their message across. Ninety-one year old Dame Vera Lynn was furious to hear that they used White Cliffs of Dover on an anti-immigration album. Unfortunately, as the UK's performer copyright only lasts for 50 years, she doesn't have a legal leg to stand on as it was recorded during the second world war. It's worth noting that there is an argument for term-extension.

The BNP also used Manic Street Preachers' If You Tolerate This ... in a misguided attempt to illustrate their video The Cesspit Called London (the original lyrics concern the international brigade who went to fight fascism in the Spanish civil war), only to be issued with cease and desist orders by the band's label.

As artists tend to be more left-leaning by nature, conservative and rightwing parties have had a hard time recruiting musicians to support their campaigns (the last US election being a prime example), and have resorted to using music without permission.

In 2000, William Hague was the target of Massive Attack's wrath after using Man Next Door at a conference. Jimmy Cliff was surprised to hear that David Cameron had used You Can Get It If You Really Want at the Conservative party conference in 2007 – especially as it featured in the violent Jamaican drug-dealing movie, The Harder They Come.

This week the Tories introduced a new tactic to lure musicians by announcing that they cared more about their concerns than Labour does, which is why they've recruited people from the music industry to formulate policy.

So who did they recruit? Billy Bragg? Thom Yorke? Someone from the not-for-profit collection agency PRS for Music? No, they enlisted the head of the biggest record label, Lucian Grainge of Universal, the head of the BPI and the MD of Classic FM. It may ensure that Cameron gets a seat at next year's Brits, but will this move ensure that struggling artists, musicians and songwriters can prosper under their leadership? What are the chances that these people will support the Featured Artists Coalition's fight for musicians to retain ownership of their work instead of record labels?

Maybe the Tories have their eye on some of the latest releases for the forthcoming election. How about Cameron walking onstage to the tune of La Roux's In for the Kill? Or would he go for Lady Gaga's Poker Face? I'm sure Green Day would come down on them like a ton of bricks if they used Know Your Enemy (though the irony surely wouldn't be lost on the band).

The Tories, like the Republicans, may think that it's worth dealing with a lawsuit, once the election is over. After all, music is a powerful tool.

Behind the music: When politicians use music to get their message across | Music | guardian.co.uk

Wednesday, April 22, 2009

Obama, Keep Filling Administration with RIAA Insiders | Threat Level from Wired.com

 Obama, Keep Filling Administration with RIAA Insiders | Threat Level from Wired.com

Obama, Keep Filling Administration with RIAA Insiders

By David Kravets EmailApril 21, 2009 | 7:35:12 PMCategories: Intellectual Property

 

The content industry, including the Recording Industry Association of America and the Motion Picture Association of America, are applauding President Barack Obama's appointments of at least five RIAA lawyers to the Justice Department.

They urged him to continue the trend.

"The hallmarks of your administration's appointees have been competence, substantive expertise, and a commitment to your administration's agenda," the Copyright Alliance, a group of three-plus dozen content owners, wrote the president Monday (.pdf). "We have every confidence these hallmarks will be demonstrated in your future IP policy appointments."

The presidential letter comes as the United States negotiates a global intellectual property treaty and as the president mulls whom to choose as the nation's first copyright czar.

The communication was also in response to a letter the copyleft, represented by about two dozen public interest groups, sent Obama three weeks ago. That missive urged the president to stop tapping RIAA insiders to his administration.

That letter by the Electronic Frontier Foundation, Public Knowledge and others fell on deaf ears. Last week, Obama tapped his fifth RIAA lawyer to the Justice Department. The department just wrote in a peer-to-peer music file sharing case that the administration supports monetary damages of up to $150,000 per copyright infringement.

Obama, Keep Filling Administration with RIAA Insiders | Threat Level from Wired.com

Friday, February 20, 2009

BBC NEWS | Entertainment | Dame Vera loses out on old songs

 BBC NEWS | Entertainment | Dame Vera loses out on old songs

"Whatever happened to the idea of life of the artist or 50 years? Interesting when you look at the hits section of the article most of the performers are dead, so who benefits with 59 years -- the performer who need the few hundred pounds or the record company? -- HSM"

Dame Vera loses out on old songs

By Julian Joyce
BBC News

 

Dame Vera Lynn is reportedly outraged over the inclusion, without her consent, of her famous song, The White Cliffs of Dover, on a CD sold to raise funds for the far-right British National Party (BNP).

But the 91-year-old former forces' sweetheart - who is said to be consulting her lawyers - is unlikely to win any legal battle against the BNP.

This is because, like many other older musicians, she has lost the rights over any material she recorded more than 50 years ago.

Now that may change, as a directive currently working its way through the European parliament will, if passed and then approved by the Council of Ministers, extend performers' copyright beyond the current limit.

The rules aim to extend performers' copyright to up to 95 years after songs were recorded.

It would mean that performers, or their heirs, and their record companies would be paid every time their old recordings - which would be copyright-free under current rules - were broadcast.

There is nothing to stop a creative person using an old recording as part of their work - as long as they do not release it

Record industry source

Downloading old songs would also come at a price - with recording companies likely to get the lion's share of any money to be made.

The rules would not be retrospective, and would apply only to songs about to slip out of copyright.

But the appetite for change is being partially driven by the prospect of huge amounts of popular material from the 1960s - such as Beatles songs - becoming royalty-free over the next few years.

Supporters - including Dame Vera and Sir Cliff Richard - say it is unfair long-standing musicians lose rights over their own material in their lifetimes.

They say it denies them income which they honestly earned.

But critics say the new rules will "stifle creativity" and that it is the record companies, not the artists who will benefit most.

Showbusiness lawyer Nigel Angel - who represents Dame Vera - said he had "nothing to add" on the reported row between his client and the BNP.

But he confirmed that other older musicians he represented were concerned at losing out on royalty income in their later years.

"Some of them have no pensions and need this money," he said. "You are either gifted or good at business. It's rare to be both."

HITS AFFECTED BY CHANGE

Lonnie Donegan - My Old Man's A Dustman -- "Dead"

Everly Brothers - Cathy's Clown

Eddie Cochrane - Three Steps To Heaven -- "Dead"

Johnny Kidd and The Pirates - Shakin' All Over --"Dead, i.e. Kidd don't know about the Pirates"

Shadows - Apache

Ricky Valence - Tell Laura I Love Her -- "Dead"

Roy Orbison - Only The Lonely -- "Dead"

Elvis Presley - It's Now Or Never -- "Dead"

Jonathan Morrish of PPL - which represents the rights of 38,000 performers and their record companies - said "millions" of songs would be lifted into copyright if the rules were changed.

"About 90% of our performers earn less that £15,000 a year, and even a few hundred pounds extra would mean an awful lot to them."

Negotiations are ongoing about precisely how long performers' copyright should last.

A few countries - like the Netherlands - have opposed any change to current rules.

The record industry favours 95 years, but UK ministers say this period "goes beyond" what is necessary to protect performers' interests.

 

The CD being sold by the BNP is also available from many other outlets

Intellectual property minister David Lammy confirmed that performers "should be protected throughout their lifetime."

A European Parliament source confirmed that a compromise 70-year extension was currently being discussed.

Opponents of copyright extension say any benefits accruing to older performers are outweighed by the "stifling of creativity".

Professor Lionel Bently, of Cambridge University's Centre for Intellectual Property and Information Law, said extending copyright risked putting thousands of recordings - free to use under current rules - out of the reach of other artists and fans.

"For instance, it means that someone who wants to put up a website about, for example, the history of jazz will now have to seek permission and pay for the recordings," he said.

"It probably would not be worth their while."

Artists who wanted to use part of an old recording as part of a new work would be affected, he added.

And he estimated consumers and broadcasters would pay about £2bn extra for music and other recordings if copyright was extended to 95 years.

 

The Beatles back catalogue is worth many millions of pounds

Critics also accuse the recording industry of backing copyright extension because it is they, rather than the performers, who will benefit most.

Jim Killock, of the Open Rights Group, said research had shown that an estimated 80% of of extra money earned by copyright extension would go to recording companies, rather than artists.

"Extension won't help incentivise creativity or aid our artists," he added.

Critics also say the extension will lead to many older songs languishing unheard in record companies' back catalogues and unheard - a prediction record companies dispute.

They argue that copyright extension will encourage firms to digitise and release old songs - because there is money to be made from them.

An industry source told the BBC that record companies were determined to lobby for a 95-year copyright extension, arguing it would "harmonise" Europe with the US.

Said the source: "The 'creativity' argument is based on ignorance.

"There is nothing to stop a creative person using an old recording as part of their work - as long as they do not release it.

"If they do want to release it - and perhaps make money from it themselves - then they need to seek permission from the originator and pay them a fair price."

BBC NEWS | Entertainment | Dame Vera loses out on old songs

Wednesday, February 18, 2009

Q & A: New Music Rights in iTunes - Gadgetwise Blog - NYTimes.com

Q & A: New Music Rights in iTunes - Gadgetwise Blog - NYTimes.com 

Q & A: New Music Rights in iTunes

By J.D. Biersdorfer

Q: What does it mean when iTunes music is “D.R.M.-free”? Does that mean I can play the files on other types of music players?

 

A: “D.R.M.” stands for digital-rights management, which is the copy-protection software built into many songs purchased from the iTunes Store; tracks labeled “iTunes Plus” are free of it. Songs with D.R.M. can only be played on a certain number of computers and have other specified limits for use.

But earlier this year at the Macworld Expo, Apple announced that it was making all of the music in its iTunes Store D.R.M.-free over the next few months, which means there are no software restrictions on what you can do with a purchased song.

D.R.M.-free songs from the iTunes Store should play on other music players besides iPods and iPhones. Tracks from the iTunes Store are in the A.A.C. (Advanced Audio Coding) format. If the non-Apple music player cannot play A.A.C. files, you will have to convert the tracks to MP3.

You can actually do this right in iTunes: go to the iTunes preferences (found under the Edit menu in the Windows version and under the Application menu on the Mac) and click on the General tab. Click on the Import Settings button and change the import format to MP3. Then, select a track you want to convert in the iTunes library, right-click on it and choose “Create MP3 Version” from the menu. This makes a duplicate version in the MP3 format.

Although the copy-restrictions are gone, copyright law is still in effect. And another thing to remember before sharing iTunes music with the world at large: the name and e-mail address from the iTunes Store account used to buy a song are embedded in the purchased song file itself. You can see the information by selecting the track and pressing Control-I (Command-I on the Mac) and clicking on the Summary tab.

Q & A: New Music Rights in iTunes - Gadgetwise Blog - NYTimes.com

Wednesday, January 14, 2009

A Historical Look At Copyright And Music | Techdirt

 A Historical Look At Copyright And Music | Techdirt

A Historical Look At Copyright And Music

Jon sends in an interesting link from the New Statesman from last month, discussing some of the history of music and copyright, specifically as it concerned 19th century music. The article is something of a response to the ridiculous, unnecessary and dangerous plan in Europe to extend copyright on performance rights, supposedly to protect "session musicians," but which really just enriches the record labels, and would do very little for the session musicians (who made their deal with the public when they performed in the first place).
There are some notable points in the article, including the fact that since France was one of the first countries to have very strong intellectual property laws for music, many musicians tried to establish themselves in France, but the music produced under that system, in retrospect, isn't considered even remotely in the same class as some of the music produced elsewhere -- even though it was the French composers who got wealthy. In other words, the system of granting monopolies did not do much to encourage better music -- but did plenty to encourage a few mediocre composers to monopolize the system to get wealthy. That's not to say that the alternative business models were good for the musicians in question (the article notes the troubles many faced), but the purpose of copyright is not to make certain musicians rich, but to get them to create better content. And, these days, there are many mechanisms in place by which musicians can make money without relying on intellectual property protections.

A Historical Look At Copyright And Music | Techdirt